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Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) speaks at the House Triangle on November 30, 2018 to show her support for a Green New Deal in next year's Congress. I Photo: thehill.com

The article first published in instituteforenergyresearch.org on 12/14/2018.   The democrats’ latest promise to fuel America’s economy from “100% percent clean, renewable, zero-emission” sources and do so within a decade, while eliminating “systemic injustice,” sounds very much like the perennial Soviet promises that communism was just around the corner. And the communist tenor of these promises is unmistakable. For apart from ridding the world of CO2 emissions, the Green New Deal’s promoters also promise national i.e. government, health care, government job guarantees, upgrading all buildings in the country to green standards and high-speed trains to replace air travel. The only doubts these wild-eyed socialists seem to have is that they are “not sure that we’ll be able to fully get rid of farting cows and airplanes that fast,” as their, in the

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Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) speaks at the House Triangle on November 30, 2018 to show her support for a Green New Deal in next year's Congress. I Photo: thehill.com

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ilian vassilev

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belene ploshtadka

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belene1

  The geopolitical and geo-economic context of the Belene project has changed in many respects, but at the same time, it has retained some permanent and stable features. Some of them stem from the link between the civilian and military nuclear programs of leading countries and from the aspirations of global military-political alliances to “keep an eye on” the development of nuclear energy, not only in respective member states, but also around the world under the nuclear non-proliferation regime. As in the past, the nuclear programs in the military and civilian fields operate in tandem, intertwined at R & D, manufacturing and operational levels.   In fact, civil nuclear power is a by-product of military nuclear programs – which are both natural spin-offs of the nuclear arms race, but also

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belene

  Few people envy these days the Bulgarian minister of energy who is tasked with a mission impossible – to identify and offer the Bulgarian government a Houdiniesque escape from the Belene conundrum. The equipment is due on the Belene site later in autumn. Despite allegations in the court of arbitration by the Russian side that the reactor and the equipment are already produced, it was not until NEK paid ASE Euro 610 million on December 9, 2016, that the Russian manufacturer engaged in substance.   For Mrs. Petkova, the Bulgarian energy minister, there does not seem to be an easy way out of the deadlock – there is no decision in sight that would not imply new sunken costs.   The year has seen delegations by “interested” parties visiting

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gazprom-beh

  It is strange to watch that the Bulgarian Energy Holding has opted to push the limits of the patience of the European Commission’s anti-trust body whereas Gazprom has chosen reconciliation.   Concurrently, Russian media are singing praise for Bulgaria, as the only EU member in the CEE that has formally voiced support for Gazprom’s commitment letter – to be used as the basis for a case resolution.   The Directorate-General for Competition is conducting a parallel investigation into BEH on its abuse of a dominant position, which is reminiscent of the case against Gazprom. Easy comparisons might be misleading but rather interesting and revealing.1   The scale of the two cases is incommensurate. There are many nuances, yet the matrix is identical. What is most important – the comparison

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tec

  The saga escorting the notorious NPP Belene project is like a ‘Die-Hard-X’ movie – the main character seems immortal. Thousands of pages have been dedicated to the analysis of what went wrong and led to the gravest industrial loss in Bulgaria’s history – BGL 5 billion in direct or indirect losses to the National Electric Company. The ‘sin list’ starts in the very early days – NEK’s first long-term forecast for electricity demand that supposedly evinced the need for a new generating capacity of no less than 2000 megawatts after 2010 – just in time with the predicted construction horizon of the new NPP.   The forecast was wrong on the design board, and it did not take long to prove its irrelevance against totally contradictory actual electricity demand

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Photo: flashnews.bg

The unusually cold winter renewed the dispute on the real accomplishments in energy security and diversification of routes and sources of natural gas. However, the energy system’s shortfalls exhibited during sustained high demand levels require a deeper analysis than the usual blend of suppliers’ blues and consumer grievances.  The same adage applies to the interconnectors that should have already brought alternative gas supplies to southeastern European customers – enhancing resilience of gas and energy markets to abrupt shock curves.   Experts’ talk hovers around Gazprom’s evolving strategy, adapting to EC policies, using bilateral levers and price dumping, and the impact of inter-governmental agreements that underwrite its supply and transit contracts in CEE countries.   Whereas Romania, Greece and Turkey have already diversified supply sources, including indigenous gas production and flexible