prajka prolet

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    – What is fundamentally new with the new round of US sanctions – scope or impact? How far are secondary sanctions likely to reach given the less than warm welcome for US sanctions in parts of the EU? – Politically and psychologically the most fundamental is Section 242 – personal sanctions against top Russian political/business figures. As for secondary sanctions European companies will be bound to take them into account, otherwise they will be automatically punished financially by losing their contracts.   – We understand apart from Russian companies and individuals, there are Ukrainian and Polish companies? How likely is that more CEE partners of Russian companies could join the list notably if they continue business as usual with Russian state companies?  What will be the effect on Nord


  Saakashvili’s arrest marks a turning point in Ukraine’s history and its relationship with the West. The trigger – the legislation in the Verkhovna Rada seeking to remove the head of the anticorruption body – NABU – Artem Sytnyk is an undeniable watershed. Despite President Poroshenko’s desperate attempts to portray himself as a champion of anti-corruption and pro-Western Ukrainian drive, the public trust in him and his regime has been irreversibly eroded. The Kiyv Post headline says it all – “Corrupt Empire strikes back”.   Attempts to label Saakashvili as a Kremlin agent ring hollow. His record as Odessa Governor and his open disagreements with President Poroshenko over oligarchs’ privileges and corruption in Ukraine are too strong for the Ukrainian president’s snap kompromat to hold water.   The country has


  Three to four years following the Euromaidan protests and Russia’s incursions in Ukraine, Kiev is progressing slightly fiscally and economically, but the country remains poor and mired in corruption, and another backlash against the Ukrainian political elite is brewing. For Ukraine to significantly progress as a country, this political tide must usher in major economic reforms, rather than just ushering out a corrupt, oligarchic class.   Ukraine has made strides in its struggle to break free from Russian control. Since the ouster of the Yanukovych regime in 2014, Kiev has established a clearer western orientation, even as it remains at war with Moscow-backed militants in Ukraine’s east. Kiev has won major financial support from the International Monetary Fund and western governments, while reducing debt and deficits. Socially, Kiev has


              “In Ukraine, even with a delay and the high price paid, a dangerous deathly expansion of Western alliances has been stopped. From a quasi-Weimar state on the defensive, Russia has now gone back to its familiar role as a victorious country, back to a new self-confidence.“ Karaganov, a Eurasian thinker with an additional chromosome instead of a brain fold.   For over twenty years I have been trying to explain to the delusional Russian political class some realities that I believe to be quite obvious to any normal human being. I persist in this hopeless mission, because this serious illness affecting the “nation’s brains” is leading my country to inevitable disaster.   The most important obsession of Russian foreign policy discourse is a

Ukraine’s Ethnic Groups

  On July 10, 2017, Ukraine adopted new regulations for border crossings. They require all Russian citizens entering the country to have biometric passports and “register with their temporary addresses and inform authorities about their movement within Ukrainian territory”. Moscow’s official reaction was predictably negative, threatening to introduce a visa regime for Ukrainians. This could potentially bring further complications to over a million Ukrainians working in Russia and an additional several million who annually cross the border to visit their friends and relatives.   While Ukraine had the world’s attention, primarily due to its political turmoil and Russia’s “hybrid aggression”, the country’s demography is and will continue to be its most serious challenge. This Eastern European country has a progressively shrinking population due to emigration and birthrate decline. As a


  Read the original analysis of Michael Elleman on the IISS website, where he gives convincing arguments behind the conclusion that the quantum leap in North Korea’s missile range could have only one explanation – it “has acquired a high-performance liquid-propellant engine (LPE) from illicit networks in Russia and Ukraine”. In that order – Russia and then Ukraine.   Almost 70 percent of the text is dedicated to the history of Soviet and ongoing Russian backdoor support for different North Korean dictators’ ambitions to develop weapons capable of threatening not only South Korea, but also US military assets in the area, Japan and ultimately North America.   Then read the article in the NYT, titled “North Korea’s Missile Success is linked to Ukrainian plant, investigators say”, which strangely ignores the

Юрий Исаков Патриарх Неофит

  Who does the Bulgarian Orthodox Church serve – Orthodox Christians in Bulgaria or foreign geopolitical interests? This issue has once again come to the fore after the actions by the Holy Synod of the BOC in recent months. Through its leadership, the BOC has taken an unacceptable stance in a regional political conflict.   On June 13th this year, in a letter by Patriarch Neophyte to the President of Ukraine Poroshenko, it is requested of the Ukrainian Parliament not to vote on tabled draft bills on the introduction of general state requirements to the religious denominations in the country (Letter to His Excellency Petro Poroshenko, President of Ukraine, June 13th, 2017). The requirements to be voted on are intended to ensure that religion cannot be used for political purposes

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About Atanas Slavov

Atanas Slavov is a jurist - a constitutionalist, professor of public law at the Department of Public Administration at Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski. Since 2016 he is a Doctor of Law at the University of Glasgow (Orthodox Political Theology and Democratic Consolidation) and a Doctor of Constitutional Law at the Sofia University (2009). Atanas Slavov has specialized in various American and European academic institutions. His research interests and publications focus on constitutional law and theory, direct democracy and civic participation, political theology, law and religion. He has worked as Counselor on Constitutional Matters to the Minister of Justice (2014-2015), Counselor on Legislative Matters to the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior (2016), Constitutional Expert at the Legislative Council of the Ministry of Justice (2012-2014) and legal adviser in the non-governmental sector. Atanas Slavov is the author of the monographs “Civil Participation in Constitutional Democracy” (2017) and “Supremacy of the Constitution. Nature and Guarantees”(2010). He is a member of the Managing Board of the Atlantic Council of Bulgaria, member of the Managing Board and the Board of Trustees of the Institute for Direct Democracy, member of the Bulgarian Association of Political Science and other non-governmental organizations.

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This entry was posted in The Region and tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , by Александър Йорданов.

About Александър Йорданов

Политик и дипломат, литературен историк и литературен критик. Доцент в Института за литература при БАН. Народен представител в Седмото Велико народно събрание (1990-1991). Председател на 36-то Народно събрание (1992-1994). Народен представител в 37-то и 38-то народно събрание (1994-1998). Извънреден и пълномощен посланик в Полша, Литва, Латвия, Естония (1998-2001) и в Република Македония (2001-2005). Главен редактор на седмичника за политика и култура „Век 21“ (1990-1998). Главен редактор на седмичника за политика и култура "Демокрация"(2013). Автор на: Личности и идеи (1986); В сянката на думите (1989); Своечуждият модернизъм (1993); Надеждата срещу безвремието (1993); Да нарушим Сценария! (2008); Завръщане (2006); Време за опозиция (2008); Днес е хубав ден! (2008); Blogo,ergo sum! (2012), Самотен и достоен. Проф. д-р Константин Гълъбов – живот, творчество, идеи. (2012).

It is now one month after Trump’s swearing in ceremony and while it is certainly far too early to draw any specific conclusions about his foreign policy, it may not be unreasonable to try to at least sketch out the contours of what we have observed so far. Before doing that, it is worthwhile to notice some of the domestic conditions and constraints that are likely to influence foreign policy making in the new administration for better or worse. These include the president’s campaign promises and firmly expressed preferences, as well as, steps taken to date.   Without a doubt the potential Trump turn toward a Russia-friendly foreign policy has been the major concern among foreign-political observers in and outside the United States. Trump’s frequent if not always well articulated